Power sits directly with the citizens wholive here and pay tax. You vote on whereyour money goes. Administrators deliver.

A genuine policy vision for a post-independence Scotland. No left versus right. No prime minister. Just decisions, made by you.
No MPs, no local councillors, no first minister. Government runs through one minister per sector: finance, transport, health and so on. They are hired to deliver, and replaced if they do not.

Anyone can self-nominate for a ministerial role by uploading their CV. A non-biased vetting system checks for a minimum of ten years' relevant field experience before a candidate reaches the public ballot.
Candidates who pass vetting are shown to the public with their experience laid out plainly. Citizens vote them into the role. No party machine, no safe seats, no career politicians.
Ministers are treated like employees. If they fail to implement their budget properly, they are removed and replaced. Accountability is built into the job, not deferred to the next election.
Ministers work together across departments. A transport plan that affects environmental standards is resolved by ministers collaborating, not by party politics.
Building codes, health and safety, and other standards sit within the relevant minister's remit and budget. No separate bureaucracy, no gaps between departments for problems to fall through.
Rather than hundreds of small councils, Scotland is split into a small number of large regions: metropolitan and urban areas, and outskirt, Highland and island areas.
Every citizen can see the full national tax pot, all £92 billion of it, broken down transparently. Then you vote on what happens to it.

A for or against vote on the full plan. Genuinely accessible to everyone, not a complex line-by-line allocation exercise reserved for spreadsheet enthusiasts.
Issues that affect the whole country are decided by everyone, together, through the same app.
Issues that only affect your area are decided by your area, based on postcode.
Each minister submits a proposed budget: how much they want, what it is for, and the pros and cons of more or less funding. Everything in plain language, visible to everyone.
Alongside ministerial proposals sits a forum layer where citizens submit and upvote their own ideas, which feed into what gets voted on. The agenda belongs to everyone.
A maintained tax surplus covers the unexpected. Emergency spending is approved through fast-tracked votes on the same platform, not unilateral ministerial power.
A working sketch of the decide.scot app. Watch the pot count up, tap a segment to see where the money sits, then cast a vote on a live proposal. All numbers are illustrative.
The Blueprint is where visitors become participants. Citizens propose clauses, back the ones they believe in, and every clause that crosses its threshold is adopted. These are closest right now.
Three numbers everyone can remember, and a sovereign wealth fund underneath it all.
One flat rate. No bands, no cliff edges, no annual fiddling. You always know what you pay and you always see where it goes.
A simple annual levy on assets, so wealth contributes alongside income rather than sitting untouched.
Zero corporation tax for businesses operating in Scotland, with conditions that keep the benefit here.
Foreign companies must hire at least 80% Scottish staff, and they can never own the commercial property they operate from. Zero tax is a deal, not a giveaway.
All major commercial buildings are owned by the Scottish government. Businesses lease the space they use, and the rent flows back into the national pot.
A sovereign wealth fund underpins welfare. Anyone unemployed or disabled is guaranteed housing and income support. Nobody falls through the floor.
On currency: there is no requirement to join the EU or adopt the Euro, and this paper explicitly rules out a stablecoin, it would just recreate dependency on whichever currency backs it. The plan instead: sterling for a transition period, then a genuine Scottish Pound with its own central bank, the same path Ireland took after 1922. Full reasoning in the Foundation Paper.
No second homes. No short-term lets. No private landlords at scale. Housing follows work, and rents follow what people actually earn.

Losing your job triggers a six to twelve month grace period to find new work in the area before relocation is required, with a public-sector fallback option if you need it.
Existing second homes and privately held multiple properties transition to public ownership through a gradual buyback scheme. Homes are resold to Scottish citizens or held and rented from the state.
Rent control is voted on by the region it affects, and scaled against regional median income. Rents track what your neighbours earn, not what speculators hope for.
This is an early-stage concept, and some mechanics are still being pressure-tested. We would rather flag them than pretend every detail is solved.
Scaling rent against regional median income is the principle. The exact formula, and how it responds to income shifts, is still being worked through.
Tying housing to employment location needs enforcement that is fair and humane. How edge cases like remote work and split households are handled is an open question.
The buyback scheme must treat people who bought under the old rules fairly. Timelines, valuations and exemptions are all still under discussion.
Zero corporation tax paired with no commercial property ownership is a novel combination. Whether it attracts or repels investment at scale needs honest modelling.